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 The
Russian press has picked up a story first report in the Sunday Times
from October 4, quoting Russian and Israeli sources, that the Israeli
Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu had secretly visited Moscow last
month to present President Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir
Putin with a list of Russian nuclear scientists that are helping Iran
to build a nuclear bomb. The secret visit by Netanyahu to Moscow on
September 7 was initially denied by Putin’s press secretary Dmitry
Peskov (ITAR-TASS, September 9). Later it was confirmed by Medvedev,
who said that he met Netanyahu to discuss “different matters,” but did
not understand why the Israeli prime minister came to Moscow in secret.
Medvedev added: “We talk with the Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
–our position is to talk to all” (www.kremlin.ru, September 20).
The
Israeli press had at first suspected that Netanyahu’s secret visit to
Moscow was to discuss the mysterious disappearance of the Arctic Sea
ship that was alleged to have been carrying antiaircraft S-300 missiles
to Iran from Russia, while the Israeli intelligence service Mossad
sabotaged the delivery (EDM, September 10). Russian investigators have
announced that they did not find anything sinister onboard the Arctic
Sea –only plywood (Interfax, September 15).
Russian officials
have cautiously reacted to the alleged Israeli claims. The former chief
of the Federal Security Service (FSB), now the Secretary of the
Security Council Nikolai Patrushev stated: “Russia is against Iran
obtaining nuclear weapons,” but he did not know about any intelligence
reports regarding “any Russian citizens and organizations participating
in the Iranian nuclear program.” Other officials admitted that some
nuclear scientists may have volunteered to work in Iran and that in
today’s Russia it is impossible to control the movement of people
(Interfax, October 6).
The possibility that disgruntled former
Soviet nuclear scientists might be recruited by rogue states to help
develop nuclear weapons, or that nuclear materials and expertise would
proliferate from Russia, has been a security risk since the collapse of
communism in 1991. The West has spent millions of dollars to re-educate
and accommodate Russian nuclear specialists to divert them from
pursuing these options. But until now there has been little solid
evidence of Russia being a major source of nuclear proliferation. The
number of real bomb-making scientists in Russia is limited –only
several hundred at best, according to nuclear industry insiders that I
have interviewed. Nuclear weapons making is a highly specialized field
that requires much more than regular nuclear physics or reactor
technology training.
There is another problem –Russian nuclear
weapons are technologically advanced and on par with those in the U.S.
The “new nuclear powers” like Pakistan, North Korea and the apparently
aspiring Iran are developing relatively primitive weapons –on par with
the ones that Russia and the U.S. made in the 1950’s. Present rogue
states mostly do not have and cannot make all the components Russian
nuclear bomb-makers use to produce modern warheads. It would seem that
Iran could gain much more practical knowledge by recruiting help from
nations on the same level of science such as Pakistan, North Korea or
possibly China.
If the Iranians manage to amass sufficient
quantities of weapons-grade uranium-235, they could most likely make
the bomb with or without Russian specialist help. It would seem that
Israel is exerting pressure on Moscow over the alleged involvement of
Russian scientists in the Iranian nuclear program mostly to secure
support for punitive sanctions and to probe the reaction to a possible
Israeli military strike on Iranian nuclear installations. President
Barack Obama and other Western leaders have pressed Moscow to exert
pressure on Iran to fully disclose its nuclear program. The Russian
reaction has been indecisive. After talks with Medvedev in New York
Obama told journalists that their positions on Iran almost fully
coincide, while Medvedev stated: “Sanctions seldom produce tangible
results, but in some circumstances they are inevitable” (Kommersant,
September 25). Apparently, Medvedev remains uncertain as to what the
Russian position might be on punitive sanctions, like an embargo on
gasoline imports to Iran. Most likely it is because the real decision
maker is the all-powerful Putin. Of course, Medvedev will be consulted,
if it comes to a vote on punitive sanctions in the U.N.
Tehran’s
anti-Jewish, anti-American policies, as well as its purchase of Russian
military and nuclear technologies have helped to build a powerful lobby
in Moscow. But Tel-Aviv also has its Moscow lobby as well. At present
the official Russian position on Iran may indeed largely coincide with
that of the Obama administration: to continue negotiations to seek
concessions. During talks with the group of six leading world powers on
the nuclear issue in Geneva last week, Iran appeared to show
flexibility, but this could easily be a delaying tactic (Reuters,
October 2).
A new factor that may alter the decision-making in
Moscow is the reported effort by the Arab states led by Saudi Arabia,
to press the Russians to dump Tehran. Saudi Arabia is reported to have
offered to buy over $2 billion worth of Russian weapons (helicopters,
armor, anti-aircraft missiles) on the condition that Moscow refuses to
sell Iran S-300 missiles and stops supporting it at the U.N. (Financial
Times, September 30; Vedomosti, October 1). The Russian arms-trading
monopoly Rosoboronexport seems to be anticipating “a breakthrough” in
arms sales to Arab nations (RIA Novosti, October 5). Supported with
Saudi oil money, the unlikely alliance of Arabs and Israelis may indeed
tilt the Russian official foreign policy on Iran.
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